Tag: Politics – UK

British air strikes on Syria

I just do not know whether the UK dropping bombs on – or even firing incredibly well targeted missiles at – Syria will help to defeat Daesh, as we are now told we should call the vicious bandits who masquerade there as religious. I do not know whether it will bring peace to that exhausted part of the world. It seems intrinsically unlikely, since three major powers are already blasting away and it seems that their efforts are insufficient, or why else would they be eager for us to have a go? But the intelligence reports and the military knowledge are not something I have at my disposal so how can I make an informed judgement about such a very complex situation? In that I am, ironically, in the same position as most MP’s who voted on the matter, but that happens.

But as I read the reports of this week’s debate in the House of Commons, the principal argument seemed to be the same very bad argument which underpinned our participation in the invasion of Iraq. “Our friends are doing it, we don’t want to be left out or they may think the worse of us.” Killing people to defend others is certainly ethically acceptable in the right circumstances, but killing people to enhance one’s reputation or be part of the in-crowd? I doubt it.

I was left with other serious misgivings, of which two will suffice. First, most people seem to accept that air strikes are only of real use in support of a ground offensive, which makes a sort of sense to a military layman. You can destroy things from the air and you can make life very difficult for those on the ground, but you cannot retake territory. But none of the Western powers is interested in a ground offensive, so a mythical army of 70,000 local “moderate” fighters was conjured up. There is clearly no such army, there is at best a multitude of small rival groups. Even the total number of ground fighters who could be described as “moderate” in their level of fanaticism is probably much smaller than suggested. Many people have pointed this out and it seems now to be commonly accepted but it must have been well known when the case was set out. It was, in fact, a brazen lie.

The second serious objection was to the use of the term “terrorist sympathisers” by the Prime Minister to describe anyone who disagreed with the government case. It is impossible, then, to disagree with the government without sympathising with terrorists? There is no possibility that the government may be mistaken, even on points of detail? This is just nasty, it is bullying of the sort we associate with totalitarian regimes. Logically, it is the weakest sort of argument, nearly always used to bolster a suspect case, the argumentum ad hominem, which translates from Latin to soccer as playing the man rather than the ball. But politically, it suggests a willingness to smear and discredit rather than discuss, a desire not to bother with the real substance of the issue at all. It is the sort of tactic which distorts democracy because it will not concede the essential prerequisite of democracy, that there can be honest opposition. It is one step away from arresting dissenters, and only a few steps away from fascism.

I do not know whether the UK dropping bombs on Syria will bring peace. But I know that the way we came to that decision has made me ashamed of my government and fearful for my country.

Regional devolution

One thing (among many) that Scottish nationalism highlights is that there is very little substance in the idea of English nationalism. Englishness is a synthetic thing, although perhaps no more than the northern variety since Scottish nationalism is often more a question of anti-Westminsterism than local ethnic pride. The North East, the South West, even the polymorphous capital attract stronger loyalties than attach to a mythical St George’s Land, except of course when sport is involved. I speak incidentally as one born in the North East, brought up in Kent and then in Yorkshire, educated in the East of England, who worked in London and now lives in the East Midlands.

Maybe I’m alone in thinking this, but to me the SNP shows a very undemocratic contempt for the people of Scotland. Independence apart, the SNP cannot hope to command a majority for their programme in the UK so they demand a different electorate. If that electorate returns the wrong answer as they did in 2014, the electorate is wrong. They must do it again until they get it right, at which point their decision becomes the irrevocable and timeless will of the Scottish people! But for all that, Scottish independence will inevitably come, partly because of that autocratic logic, partly because UK politicians have not been and still do not seem to be able to think of anything other than to take step after mesmerised step into the swamp.

But before anyone gets carried away with the idea that we should have English devolution to match the next inevitable round of appeasement of Scottish Nationalism, why can’t we think again about regional devolution? Scotland after all is in population terms only middling among the existing recognised regions of the UK – look at the regional population figures. London already enjoys significant autonomy and an autonomous Greater Manchester is George Osborne’s pet project. Why not devolve more powers to the regions – North West, North East, Yorkshire and the Humber, East Midlands, West Midlands, East, South East, South West, London, Scotland , Wales, Northern Ireland – and turn the UK Parliament into a federal parliament exercising whatever powers need to remain at the federal level?

OK, there are many reasons why not. But mostly they have to do with vested interests. First, since the genie is a long way out of the bottle, every region would have to have as much autonomy as Scotland. That is complicated, and would require incredible sacrifice by Westminster for the greater good. But is it really a bad thing? Huge national organisations have very few advantages and always need a regional structure even now – think NHS. They could still exercise powers federally if they saw advantage in so doing. Taxation would vary regionally, which might make income and corporation taxes tricky to administer, but surely rules could be devised to cope. If the taxation problem proved really to be intractable that would be a signal than certain taxes had to be federal.

There would of course be some “post code lottery” problems. But it would be up to regional powers to keep up with their neighbours or face the wrath of their people, so such problems should generally be short term. Westminster would lose power overall, which would be the biggest obstacle, the biggest vested interest and the reason why national parties and politicians would not even like to have this option discussed. It is the reason however why it needs to be discussed.

Then there is the “wasteful extra layer of government” argument. This is a good argument, so why not abolish the county level as a quid pro quo? Already the shires can be heard stirring, too many pockets of power, too many cosy relationships and political careers threatened! Yes, it would be a big change, but after the dust settled? Regions and districts without the middle layer would make a lot of sense.

Another objection is that some regions would be dominated by one or more conurbations. Well, they are! If the conurbations are where the population is concentrated, what principle of democracy suggests the conurbations should not be dominant in their regions? If the fear is that the leaders of conurbations cannot be trusted to understand rural matters, maybe there should be some federal powers to protect rural areas. But there is an immensely patronising assumption built in there.

On the plus side, regional loyalties and traditions are far stronger than any Shakespearean appeal to Englishness. Regions are real. They exist already, not just in the administrative arrangements of many national organisations, including government, but in the hearts and minds of the people who live, say, in Yorkshire, or the South West. Nationalist separatism within the UK is little more than this regional loyalty wrapped in a resentful history. So why not recognise what already exists? In this way separatist sentiment has a better chance of being contained and regional resentments can be recognised and channeled for the good of the region. It is the best option for retaining a United Kingdom, by embracing a federal form.

Many regions chafe now at the dominance of London and the South East. Regional devolution allows, indeed challenges, any region to do something about that, especially if at the federal level all regions are equal in political power. Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland would have more power than their population numbers justify, but no change there. Westminster, assuming the federal capital stays in London which should certainly be up for debate, would be diminished. But the UK would be stronger.

In the next five years we face an unremitting assault on the integrity of the UK and an attempt by one region to separate on, let us be honest and who can blame them, terms which are as favourable to them as possible – which means as detrimental as possible to everyone else. A federal structure of government based on regions is no Utopia. But it might just create a fairer deal for everyone in the UK.